America 2.0 · 2028 forecast model · working draft · rev 8 · Sep 24, 2026

Density Line 2028

Counties vote by how densely people live. Sort ~3,100 counties into log₂(density) buckets and the Democratic share rises along one durable curve, crossing 50% near 800 people per square mile. Slide the crossover to see how far down the density ladder a candidate has to win to reach 270.

Democrat–
Republican–
270 to win
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270 line
Candidate type Past elections, replayed on today's map

The density at which a county splits 50/50. Higher means the candidate needs denser places to break even.

Stretches the curve away from 50%. Above 1× the candidate runs up margins in cities and loses more ground in rural counties. The crossover stays put.

How much each county keeps its own lean off the curve (Staten Island, Orange County, the Black Belt, Vermont). 0% is pure density.

Turnout

Extra turnout on each side, phased in smoothly around the 2024 line. A nominee seen as a threat tends to energize the other party's base (Hall & Thompson 2018; Mason 2018; Kalmoe & Mason 2022).

Population

2028 extends each county's 2020–24 population trend and scales its 2024 two-party vote to match.

Density measure

County average is people ÷ land area. "Where people live" weights each census tract by its population, so a county like San Bernardino (110/sq mi on average) counts at the ~5,000/sq mi its residents actually live at. It fits past results about 10% better.

Which election's bucket curve to slide. Its shape changes little across 2000–2024.

R +20D +20
The primary problem

Democratic voters live on the far side of the line

How big is a candidate effect?

In this model, the difference between Harris's 226 and a 270 win is about +1 point of vote share in counties at the 2024 line. The candidate presets sit at −0.4 (800), −2.6 (1,000) and −4.5 points (1,200). Published estimates of what ideology is worth in a general election:

  • 9–13 pts lost when a more extreme House candidate narrowly wins the primary, mostly by turning out the other party's voters. Hall 2015; Hall & Thompson 2018
  • ~4 pts of margin for moderates over progressives in 2024 House races (Wins Above Replacement). Split Ticket 2025
  • +1 to +1.5 pts of vote share for moderation in 2024, down sharply over 25 years. G. Elliott Morris 2025
  • About 0: no vote-share advantage for moderates over progressives. Bonica & Grumbach 2025
  • 2024 Senate Democrats ran ahead of Harris in AZ (+4.0), NV (+2.5) and WI, MI, PA (+0.8 to +0.9), with incumbency mixed in. Blue Rose Research 2025

More in Common's Hidden Tribes survey finds the same concentration by political temperament. Its most engaged segment, Progressive Activists, is 8% of adults but, on our calculation from the report's turnout data, about a quarter of 2018 Democratic voters. That matches the survey above, where 25–31% of Democratic primary voters call themselves very liberal. Progressive Activists outnumber Devoted Conservatives about 3 to 1 in cities, 1.2 to 1 in suburbs, and 0.6 to 1 in rural areas (self-described place type). Weighted by turnout, the two wings are a third of adults but about 44% of voters (Hidden Tribes, 2018; the segment shares have not been re-estimated since).

Who votes in primaries is contested too. Moderates are 47% of voting-age adults but 11% of decisive primary voters across both parties (Unite America). Yet 34% of Democratic primary voters call themselves moderate and 60% lack a college degree (Third Way). In New York, Zohran Mamdani won the 2025 primary on turnout in affluent, dense neighborhoods and then needed Cuomo's primary voters to win the general with 50.8% (Caley). Michigan's 2026 Senate race, where Abdul El-Sayed won the primary, is the next test.

ElectionCrossoverPolarizationReplayed on 2028 map

Can cities alone win?

Strategy, from the current settingsElectoral votes

"Dense" is phased in around the 2024 line (767/sq mi on the county measure), so it includes inner suburbs as well as cities.

Each past election keeps its measured crossover. Polarization is the stretch of the 2024 curve that best fits that year's buckets. Both are then run on today's counties with 2024 county history. Democrats won in 2008 and 2020 by moving the crossover down, not by running up city margins.

The density curve

Dots: mean Democratic two-party share of counties in each log₂ density bucket for the selected year. Faint lines: every election 2000–2024. Solid line: the curve the model is using now.

Tipping-point ladder

States ordered from most to least Democratic under the current settings. The highlighted row is where the Democrat's running total passes 270.

UnitEVD totalMargin

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